Former President Jimmy Carter Dies At Age 100super ace jff 。

Vandy QB Diego Pavia now waits as federal judge takes injunction request under advisement

Spruce power director John Miller buys $52,400 in stockAs one of the most important institutions in the Chinese political system, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection plays a key role in upholding party discipline and ensuring the integrity of party members. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CCDI is expected to focus on a range of topics, including enhancing supervision and accountability mechanisms, promoting transparency and integrity in governance, and rooting out corruption at all levels of the party.Part of Chelsea 's January remit will involve finding game time for those starved of minutes under Enzo Maresca . Cesare Casadei falls into that category, having only played in the UEFA Conference League and Carabao Cup this season despite enjoying regular football at Leicester City last campaign. Thankfully for the Blues, finding a destination for the 21-year-old is unlikely to be an arduous task, and his loan exit seems almost certain. A host of Serie A sides are reportedly lining up to sign Casadei in January. The Italian U21 international spent four years in Inter Milan 's academy but he has never played a minute of senior football in his homeland. Casadei's stellar reputation from his time in Inter's youth ranks means he retains plenty of Italian admirers. And reports indicate that no fewer than seven clubs have expressed an interest in taking him on for the remainder of the season. Lazio, AC Milan, Como, Genoa, Fiorentina and Torino are all believed to be in the running, while Monza are said to be in advanced talks with Chelsea . Maresca is set to put his head together with senior figures at Stamford Bridge to determine where would be best for Casadei's development. Chelsea are already well-stocked with talent in the middle of the park. Healthy competition between Moises Caicedo, Romeo Lavia and Enzo Fernandez has put Maresca in an enviable position, although others have been left to feed off scraps. Kiernan Dewsbury-Hall - a £30million summer signing from Leicester - has only played 56 minutes in the Premier League this term, while Casadei and Carney Chukwuemeka have not seen any action aside from cup games. All three could seek out first-team opportunities in January. Maresca already has sufficient depth to field two entirely different line-ups, with the likes of Cole Palmer and Wesley Fofana left out of his European squad entirely in an effort to manage workload. Ben Chilwell and Deivid Washington could also be offloaded this January after finding themselves on the fringes, and Christopher Nkunku is said to be unsettled by his back-up role behind Nicolas Jackson. Competition will only increase at the end of the season, when Chelsea prepare to welcome two prodigious teenagers. Estevao Willian and Kendry Paez - both 17 - are still pulling up trees in South America and they could make a push to go straight into Maresca's starting XI in 2025/26.

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During the discussion, both parties emphasized the importance of fostering a strong relationship between schools and businesses to meet the needs of the changing labor market. By working together, vocational schools can better understand the industry's demands and tailor their curriculum to ensure that students are equipped with the skills and knowledge needed for employment.

NASHVILLE, Tenn. (AP) — A federal judge took Diego Pavia 's request for a limited preliminary injunction under advisement at the end of a hearing Wednesday as the Vanderbilt quarterback seeks to play at least another season while his lawsuit against the NCAA plays out in court. U.S. District Judge William L. Campbell asked attorneys how quickly they could be ready for trial. He also asked about the upcoming transfer portal, which opens Monday and closes Dec. 28. Attorney Ryan Downton argued during a 2 1/2-hour hearing that Pavia wants “the narrowest injunction possible” to keep his time in junior college from counting against his NCAA Division I eligibility using older guidelines. Their best hope is for a quick ruling by Monday. “I get the sense from him today that he’s looking at the date the portal closes and trying to give enough time to react before it closes,” Downton said of the judge's timing after the hearing. Campbell peppered attorneys with questions. The judge noted prep schools play against junior colleges, including Pavia's, without starting their NCAA eligibility clock. He also noted junior colleges don't allow redshirt seasons. The judge also said the NCAA has changed its rules over the past 50 years, including allowing freshmen to play and later added the redshirt rule. Campbell sounded surprised when told a player who redshirted this season could play a total of nine games if on the team that wins the College Football Playoff. Pavia filed Nov. 8 in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Tennessee in Nashville. His request for a temporary restraining order was denied giving him two more seasons of eligibility allowing a redshirt season “to avoid additional harm.” His lawsuit also asks that Vanderbilt, or any other college, not be punished for complying with orders from the court. Pavia filed a declaration Monday that he is applying to the masters' program for legal studies at Vanderbilt starting in January if he is granted the preliminary injunction. Attorneys Tamarra Matthews Johnson and Max Warren argued for the NCAA that Pavia had done exactly what the organization wants athletes to do earning a bachelor's degree at New Mexico State before being a graduate transfer to Vanderbilt earlier this year. They also argued Pavia easily can seek another degree without playing football. Warren disputed the idea of irreparable damages noting Pavia can receive economic damages at trial without an injunction. Warren also questioned the lawsuit's timing with Pavia quoted that this was his last year of college football. “His best opportunity to earn a living is playing college football ...,” Downton said in court. “This is his chance.” Pavia did not get an offer from a Football Bowl Subdivision school coming out of Volcano Vista High School in Albuquerque, New Mexico. He went to New Mexico Military Institute in 2020 and led the junior college to the 2021 national championship. He went to New Mexico State in 2022 and won 10 games in 2023. The Conference USA Offensive Player of the Year then followed his head coach, Jerry Kill, and offensive coordinator Tim Beck to Vanderbilt this offseason. Matthews Johnson argued that Vanderbilt simply will find another quarterback. Vanderbilt hasn't had many quarterbacks like Pavia who had a handful of his teammates sitting behind him in court. Pavia is a big reason why Vanderbilt is 6-6 and bowl eligible for the first time since 2018. He led the Commodores to their best start in decades, ranked twice in the AP Top 25 and posted their biggest win ever beating then-No. 1 Alabama. That snapped a 60-game winless skid over over AP top-5 teams. Wednesday’s hearing coincided with the early signing period . Vanderbilt coach Clark Lea supported his quarterback’s initial filing and has talked of how much he has meant to the Commodores. That didn’t stop Vanderbilt from signing a quarterback Wednesday out of an Illinois high school in Jack Elliott. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football .

Technology is helping some states and cities crack down on dangerous driving. In particular, traffic cameras have spread throughout the nation. These are intended to ensure that drivers fully stop at red lights and maintain posted speed limits, both of which help motorists avoid major safety threats. About 340 communities throughout the United States have red light cameras and 278 have speed cameras, according to the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety. Automated camera enforcement programs are not everywhere, and some states even prohibit them. The General used data from the nonprofit Insurance Institute for Highway Safety to map state policies on the use of red light and speed cameras, as well as analyze their prevalence across the nation. Case studies have shown the efficacy of traffic cameras. New York City was the first to implement a red light camera program in 1992. In October 2024, the state of New York announced it was expanding its red light camera programs, citing a 73% drop in red light running and related crashes where they were installed. Following its own example, New York City in 2013 started adding speed cameras to school zones and realized immediate results. In those school zones, speeding fell by 63%, crashes by 15%, and fatalities by 55%. The cameras issued an average of 104 speed violations per day in their first month, a figure that fell to 51 per day by the end of their first year in service. The vast majority of drivers didn't receive a second fine after their first offense—signaling a change in driver habits. School zones are a common site for speed cameras, but the devices are also useful in residential neighborhoods and construction zones. When installing red light cameras, jurisdictions tend to make data-driven decisions about where to place them; factors include red light violations, intersection crash data, and pedestrian injuries. Red light and speed cameras are typically permitted by state law and city, county, or area ordinances. Their use, however, is not ubiquitous. The spread of these automatic traffic enforcement cameras—especially red light cameras—has received major backlash. Critics say the cameras are an example of policing for profit or that they don't do enough to protect pedestrians. Eight states prohibit red light cameras, and the same number doesn't allow speed cameras. Both types are illegal in six states: Maine, Mississippi, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Texas, and West Virginia. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed a ban into law in 2019 after years of opposing them as the state's attorney general. His office cited a study by two economics professors who determined that red light cameras increased rear-end accidents—a common complaint from opponents. On the other hand, a study by the IIHS showed that red light cameras reduce fatal crashes at monitored intersections. Prior to the Texas ban, red light cameras in the city of Plano drove accidents down by a third and simultaneously raised money for trauma centers and traffic safety programs. State police officials had also supported the cameras. Bias is another point of contention in automated traffic enforcement. Proponents say that cameras are equitable, as they follow consistent rules and apply the same repercussions for all vehicles running red lights or speeding, eliminating any prejudiced application of laws by police officers. However, the issue of where cameras are placed can still contribute to and reinforce discrimination in law enforcement. For instance, a ProPublica series —backed up by University of Illinois Chicago research—found that Chicago's automated red light and speed camera programs disproportionately ticketed Black and Latino motorists, with dire financial consequences. Meanwhile, the city of Rochester, New York, ended a six-year red light camera program in 2016 after determining that it unevenly fined low-income residents. Even the studies that showed discrimination also found that the cameras improved safety. As with any form of law enforcement, automated cameras are a tool with benefits and drawbacks that must be weighed in community decisions. ProPublica reported that Chicago would review cameras at locations where evidence suggested they didn't reduce crashes but that the city wasn't considering cutting or downsizing the program. Federal Highway Administration guidance on speed cameras provides that they should supplement other efforts, including more traditional enforcement measures, engineering, and education, to "alter the social norms of speeding." The number of red light cameras has actually decreased drastically over the past decade amid community opposition and lack of financial viability as well as reductions in citations (i.e., fewer people running red lights). Meanwhile, the number of communities with speed cameras has continued to grow —and helped alter dangerous driving habits. Federal regulations say states could spend up to 10% of their allocated Bipartisan Infrastructure Law funds on automated traffic enforcement measures. This means over $1.5 billion in federal funding is available to expand these technologies. But since not all states allow them—and considering other highway safety initiatives that could be funded instead—the real investment will likely be much smaller. Still, as states and jurisdictions deal with mounting speed-related fatal crashes, which remain at the highest levels in over a decade following a 2020 peak, Americans should expect to encounter enforcement cameras in their travels. Story editing by Mike Taylor. Additional editing by Kelly Glass. Copy editing by Tim Bruns. This story originally appeared on The General and was produced and distributed in partnership with Stacker Studio.

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ATLANTA — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center simply said in posting about Carter’s death on the social media platform X. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Trading platform Robinhood coming to Asia in 2025 with HQ in SingaporeZhang Yimou, a master of blending Eastern and Western influences in his films, has always been drawn to the beauty and grace of Sophie Marceau. In "The Goddess of Sophie Marceau," he pays tribute to the iconic actress by weaving her image and essence throughout the narrative, creating a mesmerizing tapestry of love, longing, and sacrifice.

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